Friday, 03 October 2014 02:00

Contribution from PCPE to the European Communist Meeting 2014

The meeting was held in Brussels on October 2nd, after the initiative of the Communist Party of Greece.

 

 

Contribution from PCPE to the European Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties

 

Brussels, October 2nd, 2014

 



 

Europe 100 years after the First World War. Capitalism: crisis, fascism, war. The struggle of the communist and workers' parties for a Europe of socialism, peace and social justice”

 



 

Dear Comrades,

 


It is a pleasure for us to be in this meeting with so many fraternal communist and workers' parties and we are convinced of the importance of such meetings and multilateral meetings to develop communist positions in our continent.

 


This time we discuss a matter that is of great importance for the whole of the European communist movement, not only because of the need that the communists have to analyze rigorously the events of the past, but mainly because this analysis helps us to refine our tactics and strategy at a time like the present, where the imperialist competition is being expressed with great brutality as a result of the profound crisis affecting the whole capitalist system.

 

 

 

The discussion about the First World War is not a rhetorical exercise or historicism, but is a highly contemporary topic, from which undoubtedly we can draw important lessons for the challenges we face today. The role of the different capitalist powers, the diversity of actions that the bourgeoisie performs in order to maintain its rate of profit and control of resources, the role of opportunism and the responsibility of the consistent communist forces are key issues not just for the analysis of the class struggle in Europe, but also for the assessment of the rupture of the Second International.

 


The situation that led to the outbreak of the First World War was featured, like today, by a profound economic crisis that severely affected the growth rates of the economies of the major imperialist powers, at that time based in Europe.

 

 

 

On the other hand, the war was preceded in time by the consummation of the end of British hegemony in the international arena, an element that was evident in the Berlin Conference, when a new stage began where the different imeperialist powers tirelessly fought to reposition themselves and gain positions on the immense booty which involved the African continent.

 


The social-democracy of the time, clumped around the Second International, was not able to maintain a unified voice and a rigorous analysis about the events that were taking place, which certainly is at the center of the developments that led to its total bankruptcy and the final break of classical social-democracy into two streams: the opportunist one and the revolutionary one.

 

 

 

For PCPE the current situation, saving the obvious distances brought by 100 years of European history, is essentially similar: a deep crisis of unpredictable scope, a situation where US hegemony is being strongly contested by other powers and blocs and, finally, where the position of the communist movement is being little or nothing unified beyond rhetoric.

 


If we stick to the facts, rarely in history there was a more "multipolar" world than on the eve of the First World War which, as we all know, was no guarantee at all for world peace, but rather otherwise.

 


Today, many voices speak about moving towards that same multipolarity, claiming that it is the way to avoid future conflicts, through some sort of game of balances between the powers and imperialist blocs, although we do not know on which foundings this claim is based on. The experience of the First World War indicates that this claim is baseless, and it also indicates that the role of the revolutionary labour movement is essential to prevent the working class of our countries to be launched to further military confrontations generated for the benefit of the respective oligarchies.

 

We draw attention to the danger, particularly in Europe, that appears if we do not properly characterize the role of the European Union and the relationships it develops with other powers such as the USA and Russia. For us it is essential that the role and nature of the EU are clear in the analysis of the communist and workers' parties, understanding that this is an imperialist alliance of states that, despite their misleading statements and "social" rhetoric, seeks the strengthening of monopolies based on its territory by expanding markets and ensuring sufficient energy supplies to maintain the production levels, inevitably leading the working class to a situation of greater exploitation.

 


At the same time, we live in a world where the international economic feature is an increasing interdependence, which we understand that occurs unevenly around the world, but certainly forces the various powers to reach agreements and forge cyclical partnerships with the intention of not worsening their relative position in the imperialist chain. The issue of trade sanctions on Russia and the gas issue are a good indicator of this, just like the development of the Free Trade Agreement between the EU and the USA.

 


This interdependence does not, at any time, exclude the existence of strong contradictions which sharpen as the basic resources and raw materials become scarcer and thus more essential for the powers to control.

 


Faced with an increasingly unstable and volatile scenario, from which the Ukrainian case is a good example right now, the European communist and workers' parties must put in a prominent place on our agenda the issue of the struggle against imperialist war and aggressions, the arms race and the militarization of the economy.

 


Is particularly important today to fully develop the tools of regional coordination that we have, linking them to the instruments of international communist worldwide cooperation which, at the same time, must be reinforced without delay.

 


At the same time, we have to move forward in the development of regional spaces of the organizations characterized by their anti-imperialist orientation, such as the WFDM, WFDY, the WPC or the WFTU, in the perspective of a world's anti-imperialist front able to put on the central axis the struggle against war.

 


In the field of ideological struggle, it is more necessary than ever to redouble efforts in the struggle for the clarification of positions within the communist movement, developing a battle without quarter against opportunistic positions that promote the defence of one power or another.

 

 

 

The communist and workers' parties should be prepared to politically intervene in the case of new imperialist wars: demanding the return of military forces abroad in imperialist missions, hindering the development of military plans in our own territory (military bases, transportation of soldiers, CIA flights, etc .), and fighting for each one's country retreat of the imperialist blocs and alliances such as the EU and NATO as an element directly associated with the struggle for socialism-communism.

 


Finally, the communist and worker' parties should be prepared for the possibility that our respective countries enter into direct confrontation in an imperialist war. In this case, our goal must be nothing else that fight for turning the imperialist war into a revolutionary civil war. In this sense, the lessons offered by the 1917 Russian revolutionary experience are invaluable, just like all the debate between Lenin and opportunists in the Second International.

 


It is more than likely that we will see how opportunistic forces re-sign for war credits, carried away by their own bourgeoisie and losing sight of internationalist positions. The tactics of the communist and workers' parties should then adopt a clear line of weakening their own bourgeoisie while aiming at the seizure of political power by the working class, even to undertake a separate signing of the peace if necessary to strengthen the revolution.