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International Activity

A delegation of PCPE participated in the 17th IMCWP, held in Istanbul. Below the text of the contribution presented by comrade Ástor García, head of the International Area of the Central Committee.


Dear comrades of the Communist Party, Turkey,


Dear Comrades:


On behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain I would like to convey fraternal internationalist greetings to all the fraternal parties present here. We also send our warmest greetings and our best wishes for success in the struggles they carry out to those parties who have not been able to come to Istanbul.

The topic of this 17th International Meeting obliges us to reflect on the tasks of the Communist and Workers' Parties to strengthen the struggle of the working class in all areas. For our Party, this is a very suitable occasion to express our opinions on the matters that we consider essential within the International Communist Movement.


As you surely know, very important general elections will be held in less than two months in Spain. Our Party is preparing the work to be developed in this campaign with a fundamental objective: to increase the influence of PCPE among the working masses to raise the level of revolutionary consciousness and thus promote the maturation of the revolutionary subjective factor in our country.


As we have expressed in numerous documents, we believe that the objective conditions for the revolutionary transition to socialism already exist in Spain. The wealth produced by the Spanish working class, with a centrally planned economy, would fully meet the needs of the entire population. But the subjective factor is not mature enough: there is not yet a revolutionary consciousness developed among the masses.


Although the working class and popular sectors of Spain have been able to live and experience, in the recent years, what the limits of the capitalist system are, for two years we have been witnessing a campaign aimed at promoting new political parties which are “refreshment parties”, parties that can replace the Social Democrats or the Conservatives who have managed the capitalist crisis and have been managing Spanish capitalism in the last 30 years.


This operation, conducted from mass-media linked to sectors of the oligarchy, is just another step in the diversion that began in May 2011 with the movement of the squares, the “indignados”. It aims to keep the working class and the popular sectors within the framework of capitalist management, relying on hypothetical reforms that will not solve the fundamental problem of every capitalist society: the contradiction between capital and labour.


The only alternative, comrades, comes through the strengthening of the Communist Party and the development of a policy that, trying to widen the alliances of the working class, is mainly directed towards the working class. Respecting the political positions of social sectors who are near the working class, but never getting behind those alien political positions. To achieve that goal, it is essential that the Communist Party is present in the workplaces, there where the contradiction between capital and labour is clearly seen.


Without an organized presence of the communists in the workplaces there is no possible strengthening of the communist project and the conquest of political power will remain distant.


Therefore, in our 10th Congress, to be held in June 2016, the PCPE will very seriously discuss how we should take steps to be stronger within the labour and trade union movement, how can we build our organization in the workplaces, while our youth strengthens in the student movement and the youth movement in general. As comrade Pedro Checa, secretary of organization of the Communist Party during our National Revolutionary War, the strength of the Party is found in the factories, that is where the Party branch must work, following Lenin's words when he noted that "the main strength of the movement lies in the organisation of the workers at the large factories, for the large factories (and mills) contain not only the predominant part of the working class, as regards numbers, but even more as regards influence, development, and fighting capacity”. That is the path we have to follow in order to strengthen Communist and Workers' Parties, complementing it with a restless struggle against the influence of the bourgeois ideology within the working masses.


Overall, the communist work should be complemented by an accurate assessment of the international situation and the effects that this situation has on the work of the Communist and Workers' Parties.

The depletion of the socio-historical capitalist formation is evident. Monopoly capitalism, imperialism, is a system that needs to destroy productive forces in order to survive as a system. It needs to destroy the living and working conditions of the working class, thus leading millions of workers to a situation of wage slavery.


Imperialism is socializing labour to incredible limits. Monopolies of any country are closer than ever to be able to exploit the working class of any country or, put another way, the whole working class of the world can be exploited by the capitalists of all countries. Therefore internationalism is today one of the key elements in the work of the communists, raising the economic struggle of the class to political struggle, which means a general conception of the processes of capitalist exploitation at a world level.


The contradictions between the major capitalist powers have exponentially sharpened and this creates a very high level of unstability and great dangers for the world's working class. This sharpening is an accelerated phenomenon since the triumph of the counterrevolution in the Soviet Union and the European socialist bloc.

Scarcity of resources, compounded by the anarchy in production reigning in capitalism, the growing importance of their transportation routes and the need for markets, all of them are factors that multiply the clashes between monopoly groups and their political-military structures. This brings closer the danger that any spark triggers a contend of big dimensions.

The war is intrinsic to capitalist development in the present imperialist stage and it is necessary to maintain the rate of profit of the monopolies. The war is a tool of imperialism and therefore the struggle against imperialist war should be one of the main areas of work of the Communist and Workers' Parties, on the basis that the struggle against imperialist war is inseparable from the struggle against the system that generates it.


Currently, we see how the war has torn countries such as Syria, Libya and Iraq; we also see how the Palestinian people are suffering; periodically we witness the agressions against the Lebanese and the attacks against the progressive sectors in Turkey. To all these peoples we express our deepest international solidarity.


Comrades, in the framework of the sharpening inter-imperialist conflicts, the communists have the obligation of not falling in the trap of favouring one or the other imperialism. We have to tirelessly fight against the imperialist powers and structures in which our countries participate. In the case of Spain, it is very clear that it is the EU and NATO, mainly. But we also consider it necessary to firmly address the debate on the role of the different powers in the current global scenario and fight against theories such the one of the multi-polarity. Those theories ignore the Leninist analysis on the state and imperialism.


Assuming that, in face of every aggression, our actions must always be marked by denouncing the aggressive power, we should never confuse with the consequent anti-imperialist discourse and positions the opposition of other powers, being it cyclical or sustained over time, to the specific maneuvers of one imperialist power. A confusion of this magnitude would lead to the working class and the peoples of the world to new undesirable situations ini which they would become cannon fodder for the greater glory of the respective capitalists.


We formally request the participants in this International Meeting that, in future editions, some issues such as the characterization of imperialism and the imperialist state alliances are systematically addressed. For us this is a central issue in the development of a joint strategy in the International Communist Movement.

Comrades, we hope that the works in this meeting will be fruitful and that our discussions here will help the development of all Communist and Workers' Parties in their struggles.

Thank you very much for the attention.






The meeting of the Editorial Board of the “International Communist Review” was held on the 4th July 2015 in Athens.

Topics regarding the 6th Issue of the ICR were discussed, which will be dedicated to matters of the inter-state capitalist unions and the stance of communists towards them.

100 years after the publication of V.I. Lenin’s work “On the Slogan for a United States of Europe” (15/8/1915), the issue is once again at centre stage and engages the international communist and workers’ movement, due to the developments in the EU, the criminal activity of NATO, the formation of new inter-state unions in Latin America, Eurasia, the promotion of the TTIP, the emergence of BRICS etc.

At the meeting the representatives of the following journals were present: «Szabadsag» (Workers’ Party of Hungary), «Kommounistiki Epitheorisi» (Communist Party of Greece),  «Latvijas Socialists” (Socialist Party of Latvia), «Propuesta Comunista» (PCPE, Spain), «El Comunista» (Communist Party of Mexico), «Sovietski Sayuz» (Russian Workers’ Communist Party), «Gelenek» (Communist Party, Turkey).




The Secretariat of the European COMMUNIST INITIATIVE met on May 8 in Athens, at the HQ of the CC of the KKE in Perissos. The KKE, CP - Italy, CP of the Peoples of Spain, Socialist Party of Latvia, the Hungarian Workers’ Party, the CP of Slovakia, the CP of Sweden, the CP Turkey and the Union of Revolutionary Communists of France participated in the meeting.

At the beginning of the meeting, the GS of the CC of the KKE, D. Koutsoumpas, addressed a message of greetings.

The meeting began with the report of work delivered by G. Marinos, member of the PB of the CC of the KKE. The Secretariat had the opportunity to assess the important interventions of the “INITIATIVE” of the 29 CPs as well as to plan the development of joint activity in the period to come.

There was an assessment at the meeting of the international situation, the course and development of the capitalist crisis, the aim of capital’s forces for the capitalist economy to recover and the intensification of the aggression of the monopolies to increase their profitability.

There was also particular interest regarding the developments in Greece and in the framework of the discussion the necessity of strengthening the ideological-political front in order to expose social-democratic forces, like SYRIZA and PODEMOS, which foster illusions and passivity amongst the people, was highlighted. There was also a discussion on the anti-people character of the negotiation between the Greek government of SYRIZA-ANEL and the EU, ECB and IMF.

The sharpening of the fierce competition between the strong imperialist powers centred on Ukraine, the countries of the Middle East and North Africa was also examined in depth. The experience from the activity of the parties of the “INITIATIVE” against the imperialist wars and interventions was also conveyed. The dangers due to the competition over the division of energy resources and transport routes being carried out by monopolies and the impact of the TTIP being discussed between the USA and EU on this competition, the danger of a more generalized war and the role and stance of the communists, were also discussed.

The meeting finalized a program of interventions for the next period, including:

A) the development of the people’s activity in Europe in order to condemn in a mass way the imperialist interventions in Syria, Iraq, Libya, in order to deal with the dangers of a generalized imperialist war that emerge from the sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions and competition in Ukraine, the Middle East, North Africa and other regions of the planet for the control of energy resources and their transport routes.

B) The reinforcement of solidarity with immigrants and refugees and the escalation of activity against the policies being implemented by the EU.

C) To confront anti-communism which is strengthening in the Baltic countries and Ukraine, where a law was passed in parliament that persecutes the communist ideology and activity and ahistorically equates communism with the reactionary fascist monstrosity. In the next period we can examine the holding of events against anti-communism in each country and organize a collective intervention in the EU parliament.

D)The reinforcement of the interventions of the parties of the “INITIATIVE” on the problems of school students, students, young workers and the preparation of a related event.

E) The publication of material regarding the contribution of the communist movement to the struggle of the peoples and the strengthening of the efforts for the youth to learn about the historical truth and the contribution of socialism.

F) An intervention for the International Environment Day, 5th of June.

G)The organization of an event against NATO and the military bases in the Balkans, as well as an event to reveal the role of the EU.

H) Information material for the people regarding the character of the TTIP.

Resolutions on the 70th Anniversary of the Great Antifascist Victory of the Peoples, on the dangerous developments on Ukraine and the rise of anticommunism were approved at the meeting.

The Secretariat also decided to express the solidarity of the “INITIATIVE” with:

The CP of the Peoples of Spain regarding the electoral battle of the Spanish Regional Elections on the 24th of May.
The CP Turkey regarding the elections in Turkey on the 7th of June.

The representatives of the Communist and Workers Parties that attended the meeting of the Secretariat of the “INITIATIVE” in Athens participated in the big political event of the KKE in Kesariani for the 70th anniversary of the Great Antifascist Victory of the Peoples and together with the GS of the CC of the KKE, cde Dimitris Koutsoumpas, they laid wreaths at the memorial for the 200 communists who were executed at the Skopeftirio of Kesariani.



Last weekend, the Secretary General of PCPE, Carmelo Suárez, participated in Guayaquil (Ecuador) in the 16th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties and he presented the following contribution:



Contribution of PCPE to the 16th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties


Guayaquil, November 2014


Dear Comrades of the Communist Party of Ecuador.


Dear Comrades from the delegations:


The PCPE salutes the work of the CP of Ecuador in organizing the 16th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Party.


For the communists in Spain it is always a pleasure to be in a fraternal country such as Ecuador, by the deep ties between our countries, language, culture and common history, coming together on this occasion to the fraternity and camaraderie that specifically bind us with the Communist and Workers' parties of America.


During this 16th edition of the IMCWP, we discuss on the role that our parties should play in the struggle against capitalist exploitation and for Socialism. The PCPE is a strong supporter of the discussion and exchange of ideas among fraternal parties, as we believe that the keys to recover the momentum and the vanguard nature worldwide of the International Communist will come from these kind of comradely debates.


We advocate here for the discussion and exchange of ideas because we give great importance to this forum, because we want this forum to be useful in the way that everyone's experiences enrich each other and the whole Communist and Workers' Parties of the world. We always come prepared to listen and be heard. We always come prepared to discuss our experience and the experiences of others. We are willing to advance in the coordination of our parties on those points on which there is an agreement.


The PCPE thinks these basic ideas are shared by the other parties present. At the same time we believe that all parties present are aware that there are elements on which it is not possible to reach an agreement today. We know and study the political statements, the articles in the press, the contributions to other international events, from many of the parties in this IMCWP, and we think there are issues that generate controversy today in our movement.

This does not worry us. We are not worried by the fact that, at this moment, there are various views in the development of new phenomena in the development of the class struggle. The times are very dynamic and we come from very difficult situations. We are not worried if those different views require planning discussions over several years. None of that worries us because the solution to these debates is not going to be found only in the debate, the class struggle itself will end up giving or taking away reasons.


But we are very worried indeed about the fact that, despite our insistence on offering the possibility of deeper discussions, despite our words and attitude, some are bent to review our Party as dogmatic, as sectarian or leftist. Such comments we have read, we have heard and we have challenged several times in recent years, and we deeply regret that none of those who have shed them have wanted to discuss, even informally, about the differences of opinion that we have, despite the offers that PCPE has repeatedly made.


We participate in this forum to raise our thoughts and our concerns with frankness and comradeship, and the utmost respect to all those who fight for the cause of socialism, with whom we have always believed that we share the most important trench of all: the trench of the comrades, the trench of the Communists.


We think the International Communist Movement has taken many steps in the right direction since the mid-90s of last century. We retrieved international forums, we have created new ones at the regional or sectoral level and there are bases for the development of new cooperation mechanisms. This certainly helps the fight of all and is a heritage that we should never spoil.


We think that the struggle of the working class in each country and with it, the struggle of the international working class against capitalism, progresses faster if there is ideological unity in the international communist movement. We still have a long way to go to achieve this ideological unity in a real way, leaving behind the rhetoric and declarations without content.


We think that one of the main obstacles to the development of our movement at this time is not recognizing our own difficulties. This obstacle sometimes manifests itself in the will to impose unilateral visions on the phenomena we face.


We believe the strength of our movement is achieved by full class independence, having clear that, in defending the rights of the working class, other classes can not be more than circumstantial allies at specific times and, in order to advance to the Socialist Revolution, other classes may be allies, but in any case under the hegemony of the working class.


We think that, while we have an eye on Socialism, we can not leave the concrete and partial struggles of our class and other working people, and that each time we need to weigh well the existing balance of forces, who are potential allies, what are those potential allies and what we want do we want these potential allies for.


We think that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalist development and therefore its final phase. It will be necessary for the working class, with the vanguard party at the forefront, to make many tactical moves to overthrow the capitalists, the imperialists, but we should never lose that socialist horizon or postpone it indefinitely.


We believe that overall relations production, not the temporary ones, the prevailing production relations at the level of the concentrated means of production in a country, are what determine its capitalist or socialist character.


We also believe that the capitalist relations of production may remain for some time in the socialist countries after the Revolution, until they have a residual character and disappear. We also know, from past experiences, that the socialist relations of production can be reversed by the influence of several factors, leading to full restoration of capitalist relations. Our movement knows this fact well.


We analyze many elements that affect today's struggle of the working class and peoples of the world, always looking to place our class in the best conditions for the overthrow of capitalism. To do this we consider very necessary to know the positions of the other fraternal parties, comparing our experiences and learning from victories and mistakes of all without leaving our Marxist-Leninist principles.


We openly declare our intentions:


We want a strong and cohesive international communist movement, in order to discuss and also for action, who helps each Workers' and Communist Party to get closer to the strategic goal and help it not to lose sight of that goal however hard the conditions each one of us have in our respective fields.


We want an international communist movement which is ideologically unified under Marxis,-Leninism who learns from the ideological disputes of the past and how they were resolved, which is a veritable fortress against attempted penetration of the ideology of our class enemy, especially social democracy whose historical mission has been amply demonstrated.


We want an International Communist Movement that has enough maturity to recognize the difficulties, addressing them in the most appropriate way and overcoming them without camouflage or denial.


We want to discuss on which flags the working class has to raise in each moment and whether some of those flags help us move towards socialism or not.


We want to know how is the Socialism that the fraternal parties have in mind and how to address the partial struggles and political alliances.


We want to understand why some fraternal parties act as if imperialism was only the aggressive foreign policy of a single power and not a much larger and with many more facets phenomenon.

We want to understand why the rise of new imperialist powers should be applauded by the Communist and Workers' Parties, and not taken as an opportunity to develop more strongly our revolutionary program.


We want to expand our information on the state of the relations of production in each fraternal country, every country represented here, we would like to share our data for more accurate analysis.


We believe the IMCWP can move in this direction, we consider it absolutely necessary.


Because without a coordinated position of the Communists it is not possible to adequately develop relations with other non-Communist forces, who do coordinate themselves.


Because excessive insistence on the particular conditions of each of us can lead us to the denial of the general conditions for the revolution, which do exist and influence our struggle.


Because we should maintain a unified position on social democracy and its intention to engage Communists in their governments, in order to justify in face of the working masses their policies in favour of the concentration and centralization of capital and monopolies.

Because participation in the management of capitalist governments has never proved to be useful for achieving socialism.


Becausw the defense of the interests of one or another imperialist power can only lead the working class to be used as cannon fodder by the bourgeoisie and their governments, and the communist movement to a bankruptcy similar to the one experienced on the eve of the First World War.


Because we're seeing around us how old opportunist positions are reissued under new labels and we do not want the working class to be deceived and led to dead ends once again.


All these elements, comrades, are the ones that we wanted to express this 16th edition of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties, together with our constant readiness to discuss on these and any other matters of interest.


Comrades, the PCPE deeply respects all parties present here, and most especially our brothers in Latin America. We respect the independence and long history of struggle represented by all of you; we understand the difficulties that we all go through, as they also affect us; we defend and will always defend your essential and irreplaceable role in the struggle for the final liberation of the workers and peoples, and react as quickly as possible in face of the attacks that all fraternal parties may suffer. We have done this in the past and will continue to do so, even harder, in the future.


Hasta la victoria siempre!


Long live Marxism-Leninism!


Long live proletarian internationalism!


Long live the Communist Party of Ecuador!


Long live the 16th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties!




Thursday, 13 November 2014 01:00

Commemoration of the October Revolution in Istanbul

Written by

PCPE participated on November 9th in the event of commemoration of the 97th anniversary of the October Revolution, organized in Istanbul by the Communist Party (KP) of Turkey. Comrade Ástor García, head of the International Area of the PCPE, addressed the audience with the following greeting message.



Dear Comrades, dear friends,


It is a pleasure to be with you all at this event organized by our fraternal party, the Communist Party, to honor the 97th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution and to assert its relevance today, when the working class and the peoples of the world are facing a deep capitalist crisis.


Today, we are witnessing howthe bourgeois governments systematically attack the hard-won rights of the working class of our countries, on behalf of the profit of big monopolies. The ruling classes, frightened in the twentieth century by the existence of the Soviet Union and a large number of socialist countries, accepted to offer the working class of the capitalist countries a set of rights and social gains which they have always wanted to remove. Today, capitalists are only interested in the workers as cheap labour force, with no rights, no matter their labour conditions or their safety, as we have witnessed in the cases of the miners in Soma and Karaman.



In our time, after the restoration of capitalism in the former socialist countries, we see how our rights are being dismantled through increased working hours, salary reductions, delayed retirement age, degradation of public services wherever they still exist and their subsequent privatization for the enrichment of the capitalist friends of bourgeois governments.


In this situation of constant attacks, in this real war that capitalists have declared against the working class and the working people since the triumph of the counterrevolution in the socialist camp and, in an accelerated manner, after the outbreak of the current capitalist crisis, capitalists use every tool at their disposal to keep the people quiet, to avoid their response in a revolutionary direction.


One of the tools used by the class enemy are the reactionary ideologies, the recourse to religion, nationalism, xenophobia and racism, all ideologies that prevent the working class from recognizing their class interests, that hinder the unity of the working class and put the workers under someone else's banners, under someone else's interests.


In the current phase of capitalist development, the bourgeoisie has nothing to offer to the working class except more exploitation and misery. The progressive role that the bourgeoisie once had, a bourgeoisie who overthrew the ancient regime and established capitalism, is now exhausted.


The male and female workers produce everything, generate all the wealth in our countries. Through our work, we are able to meet the needs of the entire population. But the bourgeoisie, the capitalists and the governments that serve them stand in our way, prevent social production to reach all members society. They impose their rules and anarchy in production, thereby allowing millions of people to starve in our countries and throughout the world.

Capitalism and capitalists have become an obstacle for Humanity, and therefore the working class must conquer political power and build socialism.


But, in order to achieve this, it is not enough that our goal is clear. We have to work every day in the workplaces, in the study centers and in popular neighborhoods to win specific battles, battles that allow the working class and the whole working people to be aware that they can win, that victories are possible, and that we have the power to change the current state of affairs.


PCPE is committed to this arduous task, struggling daily with the working class without losing the horizon of socialism, just like our Turkish brothers from the Communist Party. Because only socialism can guarantee the meeting of the needs of all mankind.


Long live the Great October Socialist Revolution!


Long live the fraternity between the Communist Party and the PCPE!


Long Live proletarian internationalism!



On November 8th, the Communist Party of Italy organized an event in commemoration of the 97th anniversary of the October Revolution in Rome. PCPE was present in this event, represented by comrade Ester Cubero, member of the International Area, who read the following speech:



Dear Comrades,


on behalf of all the members of the PCPE, we convey the most fraternal greetings to all comrades and friends of the Communist Party of Italy who are present in this event.


We deeply appreciate that you have invited us to participate with you in this activity commemorating the Great October Socialist Revolution, the first successful proletarian revolution, from whose experience we continue extracting important lessons and teachings today.


97 years have passed since the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, stormed the Winter Palace and put in place the power of the Soviets and the beginning of socialist construction in Russia. The historical importance of this heroic revolution and the subsequent socialist construction should not be used only for remembrance and homage, but must be claimed today with all its timeliness and importance.


The triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution proved that the working class, organized within the Communist Party, the Leninist party of the new type, is able to seize power, is able to become master of its own destiny.


The triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution abolished the private ownership of the basic means of production, broke the economic base that sustained the capitalist regime and swept the remnants of feudalism, while destroying the bourgeois state and building a socialist state.



The triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution proved to social-democrats and opportunists that the revolutionary positions triumphed despite all attacks suffered and despite all the hesitations that these forces inoculated to the working class.


The subsequent socialist construction in the Soviet Union proved to mankind that the rights and the most basic needs of people could be met largely without recourse to the mechanisms that were typical of capitalist exploitation.


Today we are fighting to mantain the rights achieved over many years of struggle of the working class and popular sectors, such as free education, health and essential public services under quality conditions. The capitalists, through the policies privatization of the various governments, they want to increase their profits with these services. We may recall that these rights were fully respected in the Soviet Union.


Today we fight for stable jobs with rights, while the governments of the bourgeoisie are determined to impose ever more precarious work and lowe salaries. They want us to work longer hours for less money. We may recall that in the USSR the job was secured, and housing, and social services, and many other achievements that capitalists want to erase from the memory of mankind.




Today we also fight against the imperialist war, against the arms race and the policies of intervention and plunder against the peoples. We aspire, just like the Soviet Union and the whole socialist block did, to the world peace on the basis of social justice, of a world without the exploitation of man by man.


Comrades, friends, events like these are needed more than ever, they are essential because they enable the new generations of workers to understand that capitalist propaganda is a lie, that our living and working conditions can indeed be improved if we seize the sky by assault, if we organize under the banner of the only organization capable of bringing the whole of the working class and popular sectors to victory: the Communist Party.


Long live the Great October Socialist Revolution!


Long live the fraternity between the Communist Party of Italy and the PCPE!


Everything for the working class!


The meeting was held in Brussels on October 2nd, after the initiative of the Communist Party of Greece.



Contribution from PCPE to the European Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties


Brussels, October 2nd, 2014



Europe 100 years after the First World War. Capitalism: crisis, fascism, war. The struggle of the communist and workers' parties for a Europe of socialism, peace and social justice”



Dear Comrades,


It is a pleasure for us to be in this meeting with so many fraternal communist and workers' parties and we are convinced of the importance of such meetings and multilateral meetings to develop communist positions in our continent.


This time we discuss a matter that is of great importance for the whole of the European communist movement, not only because of the need that the communists have to analyze rigorously the events of the past, but mainly because this analysis helps us to refine our tactics and strategy at a time like the present, where the imperialist competition is being expressed with great brutality as a result of the profound crisis affecting the whole capitalist system.




The discussion about the First World War is not a rhetorical exercise or historicism, but is a highly contemporary topic, from which undoubtedly we can draw important lessons for the challenges we face today. The role of the different capitalist powers, the diversity of actions that the bourgeoisie performs in order to maintain its rate of profit and control of resources, the role of opportunism and the responsibility of the consistent communist forces are key issues not just for the analysis of the class struggle in Europe, but also for the assessment of the rupture of the Second International.


The situation that led to the outbreak of the First World War was featured, like today, by a profound economic crisis that severely affected the growth rates of the economies of the major imperialist powers, at that time based in Europe.




On the other hand, the war was preceded in time by the consummation of the end of British hegemony in the international arena, an element that was evident in the Berlin Conference, when a new stage began where the different imeperialist powers tirelessly fought to reposition themselves and gain positions on the immense booty which involved the African continent.


The social-democracy of the time, clumped around the Second International, was not able to maintain a unified voice and a rigorous analysis about the events that were taking place, which certainly is at the center of the developments that led to its total bankruptcy and the final break of classical social-democracy into two streams: the opportunist one and the revolutionary one.




For PCPE the current situation, saving the obvious distances brought by 100 years of European history, is essentially similar: a deep crisis of unpredictable scope, a situation where US hegemony is being strongly contested by other powers and blocs and, finally, where the position of the communist movement is being little or nothing unified beyond rhetoric.


If we stick to the facts, rarely in history there was a more "multipolar" world than on the eve of the First World War which, as we all know, was no guarantee at all for world peace, but rather otherwise.


Today, many voices speak about moving towards that same multipolarity, claiming that it is the way to avoid future conflicts, through some sort of game of balances between the powers and imperialist blocs, although we do not know on which foundings this claim is based on. The experience of the First World War indicates that this claim is baseless, and it also indicates that the role of the revolutionary labour movement is essential to prevent the working class of our countries to be launched to further military confrontations generated for the benefit of the respective oligarchies.


We draw attention to the danger, particularly in Europe, that appears if we do not properly characterize the role of the European Union and the relationships it develops with other powers such as the USA and Russia. For us it is essential that the role and nature of the EU are clear in the analysis of the communist and workers' parties, understanding that this is an imperialist alliance of states that, despite their misleading statements and "social" rhetoric, seeks the strengthening of monopolies based on its territory by expanding markets and ensuring sufficient energy supplies to maintain the production levels, inevitably leading the working class to a situation of greater exploitation.


At the same time, we live in a world where the international economic feature is an increasing interdependence, which we understand that occurs unevenly around the world, but certainly forces the various powers to reach agreements and forge cyclical partnerships with the intention of not worsening their relative position in the imperialist chain. The issue of trade sanctions on Russia and the gas issue are a good indicator of this, just like the development of the Free Trade Agreement between the EU and the USA.


This interdependence does not, at any time, exclude the existence of strong contradictions which sharpen as the basic resources and raw materials become scarcer and thus more essential for the powers to control.


Faced with an increasingly unstable and volatile scenario, from which the Ukrainian case is a good example right now, the European communist and workers' parties must put in a prominent place on our agenda the issue of the struggle against imperialist war and aggressions, the arms race and the militarization of the economy.


Is particularly important today to fully develop the tools of regional coordination that we have, linking them to the instruments of international communist worldwide cooperation which, at the same time, must be reinforced without delay.


At the same time, we have to move forward in the development of regional spaces of the organizations characterized by their anti-imperialist orientation, such as the WFDM, WFDY, the WPC or the WFTU, in the perspective of a world's anti-imperialist front able to put on the central axis the struggle against war.


In the field of ideological struggle, it is more necessary than ever to redouble efforts in the struggle for the clarification of positions within the communist movement, developing a battle without quarter against opportunistic positions that promote the defence of one power or another.




The communist and workers' parties should be prepared to politically intervene in the case of new imperialist wars: demanding the return of military forces abroad in imperialist missions, hindering the development of military plans in our own territory (military bases, transportation of soldiers, CIA flights, etc .), and fighting for each one's country retreat of the imperialist blocs and alliances such as the EU and NATO as an element directly associated with the struggle for socialism-communism.


Finally, the communist and worker' parties should be prepared for the possibility that our respective countries enter into direct confrontation in an imperialist war. In this case, our goal must be nothing else that fight for turning the imperialist war into a revolutionary civil war. In this sense, the lessons offered by the 1917 Russian revolutionary experience are invaluable, just like all the debate between Lenin and opportunists in the Second International.


It is more than likely that we will see how opportunistic forces re-sign for war credits, carried away by their own bourgeoisie and losing sight of internationalist positions. The tactics of the communist and workers' parties should then adopt a clear line of weakening their own bourgeoisie while aiming at the seizure of political power by the working class, even to undertake a separate signing of the peace if necessary to strengthen the revolution.



From 1914 to 2014 . One hundred years of imperialism, one hundred years of valuable lessons.


There are years that should be marked in the memory of the working class and 1914 is one of them. The lessons that the international communist movement learnt at that time should not be forgotten.


There are moments in the history of the class struggle that make a qualitative difference to everything that happened before. 1914 is one of those key dates because it is loaded with political significance and lessons for theory and revolutionary practice.


Why the war of 1914?


The development of the productive forces brought by the Industrial Revolution reached a level that had no comparison with any previous moment. In the context of class societies, the byproduct of the development of the productive forces is the increasing contradiction between that development and the established forms of ownership of the means of production. Consequently, the level reached by the productive forces in the mid- nineteenth century did not result in an improvement in the living conditions of the working class, the peasantry and the popular strata. On the contrary, a colossal crisis of overproduction of capital appeared for the first time in the history of capitalism.


As we say, the capitalist crisis that had been brewing since the 50s and 60s of the XIX century, explodes around 1873, becoming the biggest crisis of overproduction of capital that capitaism had hitherto known. Although is is true that there had been such crises before, none had such depth and none would have such important consequences as the crisis of 1873-1895. That crisis (significantly called Great Depression) was a qualitative transformation of the capitalist system, as Lenin recalled in his work
Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism.


Indeed, with the Great Depression a whole stage of capitalism (the free trade one) gives way to a new stage of development marked by its eminently imperialist character. Gone is the relatively peaceful (only very relatively) development of capitalism and it enters a new stage in which the reaction at all levels will be the dominant trend of the bourgeoisie in power.


The emergence, development and consolidation of monopoly capitalism promised new rules of the game marked by a bourgeoisie clearly on the offenive, doubling the exploitation against the working class and emphasizing the confrontation within the ruling class itself. In other words, that section of the bourgeoisie that was able to exploit more and better the national and international working class would get the most important portion of the pie. The rest would be condemned to proletarianization and to lose its position within the ruling class: eventually, the bourgeoisie became clearly imperialist.


So much so, that in the years between the Berlin Conference (1885) and World War I (1914 ), the European imperialist bourgeoisie (especially the English and French one) accelerated the colonial division of the world. The African continent, for example, that until the 70s barely knew the European presence in African and Mediterranean coasts, saw how in 30 years every corner of the continent was shared out.


Rarely in history there was a more multi-polar world than the one existing in the aftermath of 1914 and rarely in history was a time where the coming war was so clearly palpated. That is precisely one of the most valuable lessons of that period, a lesson that the multipolar theory advocates are determined to forget.


In opposition to that theory, we say that the existence of different competing imperialist poles is not a guarantee of peace. Quite the contrary: this situation guarantess, sooner or later, a military confrontation. At the end of the day, war is one of the basic needs of capitalism in its imperialist stage as a form of resolving the inter-bourgeois conflicts, and even more in those phases when the system in in crisis.


And just at that moment in history in which traditional social-democracy should have played a vital role as the vanguard of the international working class, denouncing the imperialist war among different national bourgeoisies, just then, social-democracy came to the field of the class enemy.


As communist organizations had announced at the time, beginning with Lenin, the struggle between national bourgeoisies led to the first great imperialist war, 100 hundred ago. The bourgeoisie had the invaluable support of an important sector of social-democracy when boarding the international working class in a war where the working class had nothing to gain.


Indeed, in August 4, 1914, when two of the most important social-democratic parties, the French and the German ones, voted for the war budgets and came to participate in the governments of their bourgeoisie, they were not only putting the class working behind their "national" bourgeoisie, they were also giving the final blow to the Second International as a valuable framework for the interests of the working class. Then, 1914 marked the red line that separates revolutionary and opportunistic positions since then.


That was another of the great lessons learnt by the international communist movement. The danger that comes from staying behind the national bourgeoisie is the destruction of the ability of the working class to face, with any guarantee of success, the political and ideological struggle against the bourgeoisie.


The historical period in which we live.


Today, one hundred years after that war, those lessons are still tremendously valid today. Capitalism in its imperialist stage continues to develop with increasingly higher doses of violence.


For a long time imperialism has shown that it has nothing to offer the working class and popular sectors except more hunger, more misery, more exploitation and morewar, even if there are people determined to prolong the existence of this degenerate and rotten system.


The crisis of 2007, even deeper than the 1873 one, and probably more than that the one in 1929, continues the paths already announced by Lenin in 1917.


The PCPE has been proposing that the monopolist oligarchy has sparked open warfare against the working class and popular sectors that acquires different forms depending on the level of oppsition that the working class, together with its vanguard organizations, is able to raise.


The concentration and centralization of capital is advancing at growing rate, visibly liquidating the already residual layer of smallholders, who are trhown to proletarianization, thus emphasizing the trend towards polarization of society between those who own and those who do not won the means of production.


But the worst part of this struggle is for the working class. The destruction of the excess of productive forces in the form of mass unemployment has reached reached outrageous numbers in Spain (almost 6 million people, more than 25 %), overcoming the 50% in the case of the youth.


The rest of the class that finds a job does in unprecedented exploitation conditions with increases in working time without wage increases, suffering systematic attacks on collective bargaining, lowering of dismissal costs, training and apprenticeship contracts that are quasi slavery in practice.


To all this must be added the loss of purchasing power of pensions, the privatization of social services (health, education) and the use of predatory war anywhere in the world.


War and Ukraine.




War is not an exception nor a lesser evil for today's the monopoly oligarchy. War is today an indispensable resource for the ruling class without which it would be impossible to hold onto power as such ruling class one more day.


The case of Ukraine is just the latest example. In this country, three imperialisms are trying to cash in on the situation. U.S. and EU on the one hand try to place in power the sector of the Ukrainian oligarchy which is more inclined to their interests at the expense of another fraction of that bourgeoisie (personified by Yanukovych and others) who are closer to Russia.


In between, the Ukrainian working class and peasantry who are tired of a capitalist crisis that is condemning them to a misery and hunger that were unimaginable in Soviet times and are realizing, in the worst possible way, the price that the working men and women, especially from Eastern Europe, had to pay for the triumph of the counterrevolution in the Soviet Union.


Once the coup sponsored by the imperialist centers of the U.S. and EU failed thanks to the struggle of the heroic Ukrainian working class and its Communist Party, Western imperialist poles turn to one of their best weapons: fascism.


Fascist organizations such as
Pravi Sector and Svoboda, created, funded and protected by the EU and U.S., are responsible for the murder of over 40 communists and trade-unionists on May 2nd in the House of Unions of Odessa, exrpressing in such a bloody way the intensification of the class struggle in the country.


The tasks of the communist organizations today.


In the frame of the imperialist stage of capitalism, the constant war is the current and future scenario that oligarchy lies ahead of us. This scenario is underpinned by the opportunistic and reformist positions.


And here the Communist Parties can not waver. We must say loud and clear that a war perpetrated by an imperialist oligarchy is an imperialist war. Never mind the rhetorics it is disguised with; monopolist oligarchy only makes imperialist wars.


The Bolsheviks in 1914 were able to understand that behind patriotic slogans what was elucidating was an imperialist war between imperialist bourgeoisies. Today the Social-Democrats from the Socialist International, the reformists from EL Party, the Trotskyists and other opportunist trends in the labour movement are still in the field of oligarchy. They are not allies of the working class.


And today, like yesterday, the consistent Communist Parties are opposed to them. The Parties armed with Marxism-Leninism can understand the class character of imperialist wars and also the revolutionary potential of these imperialist wars.


In Lenin's words, part of our task is to "transform the imperialist war between peoples in the civil war of the oppressed against their oppressors": 1) denounciation of the imperialist character of the oligarchy and the wars it unleashes; 2) relentless denunciation of those who, in one or another way, justify imperialist wars; 3) explanation to the masses that only workers' power is capable of ending imperialist wars; 4) the culmination of a separate peace in case of war and 5) the conversion of each imperialist war into a civil war against the financial oligarchy and capitalism: that is one of our tasks.


As we reflect in the documents of our 9
th Congress, we live in the historical period of transition from capitalism to socialism in which there are no democratic tasks that depend on any sector of the bourgeoisie. Capitalism is in a state of historical death and it is a task of the communist organizations to accelerate that death. None alliance with bourgeoisie is possible because there is no sector of the bourgeoisie that is objectively interested in improving the living and working conditions of the working class and popular sectors.


Today, monopolistic oligarchy is at a historic crossroads: either they continuously increase the degree of exploitation of the working class and war becomes an everyday reality, either they disappear as the ruling class. History never saw that any ruling class disappeared peacefully. Consequently, the task of the Communist Party is preparing the working class and popular sectors for that battle that is already being waged.


That is why the only possible alliance of the working class today is the one forged with the peasantry and popular sectors in the frame of what the PCPE calls the Workers' and People's Front for Socialism. An alliance that , taking as its starting point the scientific analysis of the development of modern capitalism, does not contribute to change one government by another or try to manage capitalism, but to destroy the system itself and start building a socialist-communist society, the only society in which the interests of the social majority are guaranteed.


Putting an end to the prehistory of humanity, that is the synthesis of the the task of the communists.




Capitalism in crisis brutally hits the working class and popular strata

Lisbon, November 2013

Dear Comrades, first of all I would like to thank the Portuguese CP for organizing this 15th International Meeting. At the same time, I fraternally salute all parties present and send warm internationalist and proletarian greetings to all those who have not been able to be at this year's International Meeting.

I would like to begin my speech by pointing to two elements that I believe each and every one of the parties present agrees with: capitalism is in a very deep crisis which is unlikely to be overcome, while capitalists seek to surmount their rate of profit by increasing the levels of exploitation of the working class.

We always speak about the cuts in social and labour rights, about how public services are threatened by monopoly capital who pretends to obtain new spaces for its reproduction but, what does this mean in the concrete? What is the situation of the working class in our countries and how is it reflected in the policy of our Parties?

In Spain the living and working conditions of the working class have severely worsened since the outbreak of the crisis, as a result of the systematic and accelerated implementation of adjustment policies applied by different governments to benefit the big monopoly capital mainly. These policies, which are nothing else than the most brutal and direct expression of those that were announced and applied by the various European and Spanish capitalist management agencies until 2008, have a very direct and practical translation in the life of our class and the popular strata.

As a consequence of the destruction of productive forces, unemployment has grown exponentially, reaching six million according to official figures. This has had an effect not only on increasing poverty rates, but also in the number of evictions, in the steady increase of the number of families who have virtually no income or in the growing rates of malnutrition among children, just to name a few. The despair at the impossibility of feeding the children has already led several people to suicide. The offensive of capital clearly results in hunger, poverty, homelessness and death.


Moreover, workers who still have their jobs are subjected to unprecedented levels of employers' terrorism: the real fear of losing the only source of income on which, in many cases, the whole family depends, involves accepting the increasingly enslaving working conditions established by the successive labour reforms passed by the Governments of the Socialist Party and the Popular Party. The widespread collective lay offs in practice leave large sections of the working class with no rights, while trade union rights are on the wane. In face of this we witness the inability of the trade-union leaderships to raise a struggle aimed directly at recovering those rights. The employers have the ability to violate any labour laws since it is cheaper than ever to lay off workers and there are no legal consequences whatsoever when that happens. The offensive of capital is clearly translated in the fact that our rights are worthless in the hands of the capitalists.

Job security conditions worsen despite official discourses. Very recently, six miners died in northern Spain in the worst accident in the last twenty years in this sector. It was an accident that could have been avoided. There was information that revealed the danger of gas leaks days before the accident. A gas leak eventually caused the death of these workers. Will someone pay for that? We doubt it. But there are people paying with their life for the employer to keep getting benefits, not only in this sector but in all other sectors of production where we regret ever most serious accidents day after day. The offensive of capital is clearly translated in the fact that our lives are worth little compared to obtaining more profit.


We sepak a lot about public services, but the cuts and privatization are mean, for instance, that people are dying at the door of hospitals. Treatments that until recently were free or inexpensive for patients are increasingly difficult to obtain by working families today. Entire floors of hospitals are staying closed while the waiting lists increase, forcing those who can afford it to go to  private hospitals. These are not merely words, they are facts showing that the offensive of capital is crearly translated in the fact that public services are destroyed to become mere subordinates to private healthcare systems dominated by big capital.

Spanish society is increasingly polarized. And in the world we can see that, too. It is increasingly evident that the gap between rich and poor, between bourgeois and proletarians, and there is increasingly less room for small owners who are quickly proletarianized while the ideological offensive, at least in Spain, focuses in trying to promote entrepreneurship among our youth.


In this climate, some people tell us that the serious problems that stifle the working class and popular strata are solved with more democracy. Only with more democracy. In face of a brutal intensification of the contradictions in all fields, they say: “fight for more democracy”. Of course the communists have to struggle to keep democratic rights, it is an essential part of our overall struggle against capitalism, but talking about democracy in the abstract, without linking it to the issue of ownership of the means of production and the class in power leads the working class to be  trapped in the rules and covenants of bourgeois democracy, where the rights are worthless for capital when it concerns their benefit rate.


Others tell us that we have to fight to maintain the welfare state. That is, we should fight for a more humane capitalism, for a less aggressive capitalism. Is it possible that the participation in the parliamentary game can make so much damage that it leads some communist parties to forget the horizon of Socialism? Is it not time to recognize that our movement has been paralyzed for too many years with the overemphasis on the parliamentary struggle at the expense of the mass struggle?


Others tell us that we should get to agreements with the national bourgeoisie. What national bourgeoisie has a progressive role to play in the imperialist capitalism today? What national bourgeoisie has today a clearly antimonopolist character and what national bourgeoisie is not playing today to be monopolistic?


Comrades, the partial struggles, the resistance struggles are not our end, they are the means and we should only understand them as such. They are a means for the development of the ability to fight, but we must not fall into the mistake of absolutizing them and lose the horizon of the struggle for the overthrow of bourgeois power and the construction of Socialism, which is the stated objective of the communists. In these struggles which are in the frame of the general struggle for socialism, we must know well who are our allies. Not anyone can be our ally. Our allies are the layers who are objectively threatened by the dominance of monopoly capital. The working class, along with the smallholders and the poor peasants, must forge an alliance that will lead to the overthrow of bourgeois power .

The role of the communist and workers’ parties of Europe in order to strengthen the struggle of the working class and popular strata against the EU and the strategy of capital, for the pro-people way out from the capitalist crisis, the overthrow of capitalism, socialism.


Dear Comrades,

firstly I would like to thank the KKE for organizing this new European Meeting. It is another step in the strengthening of the necessary Communist coordination in our continent. All spaces in which the debate and the exchange of positions between fraternal parties is possible is very positive from the point of view of PCPE,  just like the development of joint actions of struggle.

In our opinion, the struggle against the European Union must occupy an essential space in the agenda of the European communist and workers' parties, not only of those parties in countries which are member-states of the European Union, but of those parties from the countries that can be member-states in the future or who maintain close economic and political ties with the EU.

At the same time we can not forge the struggle against other instruments of imperialist domination  such as NATO, true armed wing of Western imperialism whose attacks and aggressions seek to pave the way for the control of the areas of influence and natural resources which are increasingly disputed.

We believe that nowadays it is critical to link the discourse of struggle of communist parties to the struggle against the inter-state imperialist alliance which is the European Union, since the measures suffered by the working class and popular sectors of our countries have the same orientation and obey to the same strategy of European monopoly capital, which uses the EU as a tool to position itself in the best possible way in the scenario of deep crisis of capitalism.

For the PCPE, the vanguard organizations must maintain a firm and clear position against the attacks of the class enemy and its governments. We must work to organize the workers' struggles,  raising their horizon and placing in the agenda the aim of workers' power and socialism - communism as an unavoidable strategic goal. We must be able to move forward in building the unity of the working class in the workplaces for the economic struggle under class-oriente criteria and leadership while striving to achieve that our Party is present and organized in every workplace and in each working-class neighbourhood.

The struggles that the working class and popular sectors develop in our countries have varying degrees of intensity, and there are different levels of political leadership of the Communists in them. When there is no communist political leadership it is easy to see where the struggles lead: they end up with a defeat and no substantial progress in the mids of the workers has been achieved. They end up being defeated and in a dead-end.

When there is no communist political leadership of the labour and people's movement, the discourse on the EU disappears. When there are no communists leading a movement, it is monopolized by the opportunists, and opportunists will not talk about the European Union because they defend the European Union, because they only speak about reforming those elements that, in their opinion, today make the EU policies become anti-worker and anti-people policies. They believe that there may be EU policies that are pro-worker and pro-people, when there is not a single evidence to prove this point until now.


Comrades, how could we not argue against that position? How could we not face those who say that the European Union should take an active role in the conflict that takes place in Syria now? Maybe there are not enough data already to justify our saying that the EU is an inter-state imperialist alliance? Are we willing to continue maintaining an absolutely idealistic stance such as  the possibility of reforming a creation of monopoly capital for its own benefit?

We have ample evidence that a solution in favour of the workers' and people's majority within the EU, with the EU structures, with the EU policies, is not possible. When some parties from our movement have participated in national or regional governments they have not been and are not able to develop policies essentially different from those developed by the bourgeois parties. This is because they only manage capitalism without questioning it. Whatever country we speak about, the result is finally the same: the working class loses vital years for the development of a revolutionary consciousness that glimpses the only way out which is really in its favour: the beginning of a radically different path of development, a socialist path of development.

The bourgeois ideological domination, whose commitment to the European Union is indisputable,  still maintains broad working and popular sectors in confusion. The material and objective reality proves on a daily basis that the European Union is of no benefit to workers, nor smallholders and peasants. The EU mainly benefits the monopolies, and monopolies need to bleed the working class and to make smallholders disappear in order to increase their profit rate.

Under these conditions, how is it possible that there are communists who continue to insist that the EU can be pro-people and pro-workers? How can they lie and cheat in such a manner? For what purpose?

Comrades, the opportunist positions aim to bring the working class into the swamp. They pretend to trap again the working class in class collaboration, and we know well where that has led. Let us work against that. Let us struggle to free the working class, not to enslave the working class even more.

Thank you very much .

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