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The workers in Europe and other countries experience the consequences of the longstanding policies that have been pursued regarding the environment, consequences that are particularly serious:

• With the contamination of water resources
• Floods
• Burnt forests
• Constant soil erosion
• Air pollution
• The reduction of free green spaces in urban and semi-urban areas
• The further commercialization of land

In addition, there is a chain reaction of consequences in the food production chain, where the people’s needs are sacrificed at the altar of the profitability of the monopolies, as the recent gathering of the monopolies and their unions at the EXPO in Milan demonstrated.

The peoples are increasingly denied the possibility of enjoying natural beauty, beaches, forests, parks and are paying a high price for their commodification.

Waste management has developed into privileged terrain for the profitability of the monopolies, creating serious dangers for public health.

The EU bears enormous responsibilities for this situation, as it promotes the reactionary rationale of the “polluter pays”. The intensifying downgrading and destruction of the natural environment at a European and international level, the increasing commodification of the natural resources reveal even more sharply the outcomes of the capitalist path of development.

It is on this terrain that the sharpening of the contradictions of the capitalist states internationally manifests itself over the control of the markets, the setting of goals, the control mechanisms and the distribution of funding in order to deal with climate change. This competition is expected to sharpen before the signing of an International Climate Agreement, which will serve the interests of the monopolies, at the Paris Summit that will be held this year in December.

The environment will be endangered as long as the private ownership of the means of production exists. The conscious planned and balanced impact of man on nature can only exist in a society that is based on the social ownership of all the natural resources and the means for their utilization, on central planning, on production with social prosperity as its criterion.

In order to pave the way for this hopeful prospect, the communist and workers parties that participate in the Initiative struggle every day for the protection of:

• The forests and aquifer
• The free spaces and the work environment
• For the creation of earthquake and flood protection
• For the creation of a single public organization for waste management and the total management of water resources exclusively by the state

The broad masses of workers must take a position in this struggle, in which the communist and workers parties are in the frontline, against the interests of the monopolies and the EU.

No to a second transition!

Workers' power and socialist republic!


The institutional crisis affecting the capitalist system in Spain has put the ruling classes in face of the need to take the initiative of making changes to the structure of the bourgeois state in order to try to contain the destabilizing effects of the crisis and to drive the situation to a new stability so the exploitation of the working class and popular sectors can continue.

The abdication of the King is nothing but an attempt to change something so that everything remains the same. The workers' struggle has to prevent this!


It is intended to articulate a Second Transition that, just like the first one, would create a new framework of domination in which the ruling class guarantees its privileged position, its parasitic wealth accumulation and the impoverishment of the working class and popular sectors.

What threatens the stability of the ruling classes is the struggle of themos determined working class. Thus the workers' struggle, more determined in this moment, will open the way to a first step in the accumulation of forces to advance towards the Workers' Power and the Socialist Republic of Confederal character, which would also address the free exercise of the right of self-determination.


Organizing the workers and popular masses, on the offensive, in a Workers' and People's Front for Socialism is the way to build a broad alliance of the working class and other sections of the people. This is the proposal of PCPE and CJC to the working class and the peoples and nations of Spain.


The PCPE and CJC call their members and supporters to participate in all demonstrations taking place throughout the day.




Madrid, June 2nd, 2014

Capitalism in crisis brutally hits the working class and popular strata

Lisbon, November 2013

Dear Comrades, first of all I would like to thank the Portuguese CP for organizing this 15th International Meeting. At the same time, I fraternally salute all parties present and send warm internationalist and proletarian greetings to all those who have not been able to be at this year's International Meeting.

I would like to begin my speech by pointing to two elements that I believe each and every one of the parties present agrees with: capitalism is in a very deep crisis which is unlikely to be overcome, while capitalists seek to surmount their rate of profit by increasing the levels of exploitation of the working class.

We always speak about the cuts in social and labour rights, about how public services are threatened by monopoly capital who pretends to obtain new spaces for its reproduction but, what does this mean in the concrete? What is the situation of the working class in our countries and how is it reflected in the policy of our Parties?

In Spain the living and working conditions of the working class have severely worsened since the outbreak of the crisis, as a result of the systematic and accelerated implementation of adjustment policies applied by different governments to benefit the big monopoly capital mainly. These policies, which are nothing else than the most brutal and direct expression of those that were announced and applied by the various European and Spanish capitalist management agencies until 2008, have a very direct and practical translation in the life of our class and the popular strata.

As a consequence of the destruction of productive forces, unemployment has grown exponentially, reaching six million according to official figures. This has had an effect not only on increasing poverty rates, but also in the number of evictions, in the steady increase of the number of families who have virtually no income or in the growing rates of malnutrition among children, just to name a few. The despair at the impossibility of feeding the children has already led several people to suicide. The offensive of capital clearly results in hunger, poverty, homelessness and death.


Moreover, workers who still have their jobs are subjected to unprecedented levels of employers' terrorism: the real fear of losing the only source of income on which, in many cases, the whole family depends, involves accepting the increasingly enslaving working conditions established by the successive labour reforms passed by the Governments of the Socialist Party and the Popular Party. The widespread collective lay offs in practice leave large sections of the working class with no rights, while trade union rights are on the wane. In face of this we witness the inability of the trade-union leaderships to raise a struggle aimed directly at recovering those rights. The employers have the ability to violate any labour laws since it is cheaper than ever to lay off workers and there are no legal consequences whatsoever when that happens. The offensive of capital is clearly translated in the fact that our rights are worthless in the hands of the capitalists.

Job security conditions worsen despite official discourses. Very recently, six miners died in northern Spain in the worst accident in the last twenty years in this sector. It was an accident that could have been avoided. There was information that revealed the danger of gas leaks days before the accident. A gas leak eventually caused the death of these workers. Will someone pay for that? We doubt it. But there are people paying with their life for the employer to keep getting benefits, not only in this sector but in all other sectors of production where we regret ever most serious accidents day after day. The offensive of capital is clearly translated in the fact that our lives are worth little compared to obtaining more profit.


We sepak a lot about public services, but the cuts and privatization are mean, for instance, that people are dying at the door of hospitals. Treatments that until recently were free or inexpensive for patients are increasingly difficult to obtain by working families today. Entire floors of hospitals are staying closed while the waiting lists increase, forcing those who can afford it to go to  private hospitals. These are not merely words, they are facts showing that the offensive of capital is crearly translated in the fact that public services are destroyed to become mere subordinates to private healthcare systems dominated by big capital.

Spanish society is increasingly polarized. And in the world we can see that, too. It is increasingly evident that the gap between rich and poor, between bourgeois and proletarians, and there is increasingly less room for small owners who are quickly proletarianized while the ideological offensive, at least in Spain, focuses in trying to promote entrepreneurship among our youth.


In this climate, some people tell us that the serious problems that stifle the working class and popular strata are solved with more democracy. Only with more democracy. In face of a brutal intensification of the contradictions in all fields, they say: “fight for more democracy”. Of course the communists have to struggle to keep democratic rights, it is an essential part of our overall struggle against capitalism, but talking about democracy in the abstract, without linking it to the issue of ownership of the means of production and the class in power leads the working class to be  trapped in the rules and covenants of bourgeois democracy, where the rights are worthless for capital when it concerns their benefit rate.


Others tell us that we have to fight to maintain the welfare state. That is, we should fight for a more humane capitalism, for a less aggressive capitalism. Is it possible that the participation in the parliamentary game can make so much damage that it leads some communist parties to forget the horizon of Socialism? Is it not time to recognize that our movement has been paralyzed for too many years with the overemphasis on the parliamentary struggle at the expense of the mass struggle?


Others tell us that we should get to agreements with the national bourgeoisie. What national bourgeoisie has a progressive role to play in the imperialist capitalism today? What national bourgeoisie has today a clearly antimonopolist character and what national bourgeoisie is not playing today to be monopolistic?


Comrades, the partial struggles, the resistance struggles are not our end, they are the means and we should only understand them as such. They are a means for the development of the ability to fight, but we must not fall into the mistake of absolutizing them and lose the horizon of the struggle for the overthrow of bourgeois power and the construction of Socialism, which is the stated objective of the communists. In these struggles which are in the frame of the general struggle for socialism, we must know well who are our allies. Not anyone can be our ally. Our allies are the layers who are objectively threatened by the dominance of monopoly capital. The working class, along with the smallholders and the poor peasants, must forge an alliance that will lead to the overthrow of bourgeois power .

The role of the communist and workers’ parties of Europe in order to strengthen the struggle of the working class and popular strata against the EU and the strategy of capital, for the pro-people way out from the capitalist crisis, the overthrow of capitalism, socialism.


Dear Comrades,

firstly I would like to thank the KKE for organizing this new European Meeting. It is another step in the strengthening of the necessary Communist coordination in our continent. All spaces in which the debate and the exchange of positions between fraternal parties is possible is very positive from the point of view of PCPE,  just like the development of joint actions of struggle.

In our opinion, the struggle against the European Union must occupy an essential space in the agenda of the European communist and workers' parties, not only of those parties in countries which are member-states of the European Union, but of those parties from the countries that can be member-states in the future or who maintain close economic and political ties with the EU.

At the same time we can not forge the struggle against other instruments of imperialist domination  such as NATO, true armed wing of Western imperialism whose attacks and aggressions seek to pave the way for the control of the areas of influence and natural resources which are increasingly disputed.

We believe that nowadays it is critical to link the discourse of struggle of communist parties to the struggle against the inter-state imperialist alliance which is the European Union, since the measures suffered by the working class and popular sectors of our countries have the same orientation and obey to the same strategy of European monopoly capital, which uses the EU as a tool to position itself in the best possible way in the scenario of deep crisis of capitalism.

For the PCPE, the vanguard organizations must maintain a firm and clear position against the attacks of the class enemy and its governments. We must work to organize the workers' struggles,  raising their horizon and placing in the agenda the aim of workers' power and socialism - communism as an unavoidable strategic goal. We must be able to move forward in building the unity of the working class in the workplaces for the economic struggle under class-oriente criteria and leadership while striving to achieve that our Party is present and organized in every workplace and in each working-class neighbourhood.

The struggles that the working class and popular sectors develop in our countries have varying degrees of intensity, and there are different levels of political leadership of the Communists in them. When there is no communist political leadership it is easy to see where the struggles lead: they end up with a defeat and no substantial progress in the mids of the workers has been achieved. They end up being defeated and in a dead-end.

When there is no communist political leadership of the labour and people's movement, the discourse on the EU disappears. When there are no communists leading a movement, it is monopolized by the opportunists, and opportunists will not talk about the European Union because they defend the European Union, because they only speak about reforming those elements that, in their opinion, today make the EU policies become anti-worker and anti-people policies. They believe that there may be EU policies that are pro-worker and pro-people, when there is not a single evidence to prove this point until now.


Comrades, how could we not argue against that position? How could we not face those who say that the European Union should take an active role in the conflict that takes place in Syria now? Maybe there are not enough data already to justify our saying that the EU is an inter-state imperialist alliance? Are we willing to continue maintaining an absolutely idealistic stance such as  the possibility of reforming a creation of monopoly capital for its own benefit?

We have ample evidence that a solution in favour of the workers' and people's majority within the EU, with the EU structures, with the EU policies, is not possible. When some parties from our movement have participated in national or regional governments they have not been and are not able to develop policies essentially different from those developed by the bourgeois parties. This is because they only manage capitalism without questioning it. Whatever country we speak about, the result is finally the same: the working class loses vital years for the development of a revolutionary consciousness that glimpses the only way out which is really in its favour: the beginning of a radically different path of development, a socialist path of development.

The bourgeois ideological domination, whose commitment to the European Union is indisputable,  still maintains broad working and popular sectors in confusion. The material and objective reality proves on a daily basis that the European Union is of no benefit to workers, nor smallholders and peasants. The EU mainly benefits the monopolies, and monopolies need to bleed the working class and to make smallholders disappear in order to increase their profit rate.

Under these conditions, how is it possible that there are communists who continue to insist that the EU can be pro-people and pro-workers? How can they lie and cheat in such a manner? For what purpose?

Comrades, the opportunist positions aim to bring the working class into the swamp. They pretend to trap again the working class in class collaboration, and we know well where that has led. Let us work against that. Let us struggle to free the working class, not to enslave the working class even more.

Thank you very much .

The Spanish economy has spent six years immersed in a harsh capitalist crisis which has its main cause in overproduction and determines the policies being applied by the different governments in favour of the monopolies.


Both with PSOE and PP governments, the working class and popular sectors of our country have had to burden the consequences of the capitalist crisis: more than six million unemployed, the rate of youth unemployment is 57%, since 2008 half a million families have been evicted from their homes through eviction, over 25% of children under 16 suffer malnutrition, poverty rate reaches 21.8%. As the capitalist crisis develops, society is increasingly being torn into two opposite poles: a parasite minority living at the expense of the suffering and work of an immense majority of society.


In this situation, the ruling class has unleashed a real war against working class and the people, which takes place primarily on three fronts:


-Progressive cheapening of the labour force: this is a trend observed since 1973 but has worsened since 2007.

-Questioning of trade union rights of the working class, including the right to strike.

-Cutting of rights and democratic freedoms: limitation of the right to participate in elections, limitations on the right to demonstrate, increasing impunity of repressive forces, limiting the possibilities for legal defense, changes in the criminal law, etc.


All these measures confirm that the oligarchic-bourgeois ruling bloc is prepared for a class struggle of extraordinary hardness in Spain. Rights and freedoms are progressively wiped out and the violence with which the capitalist dictatorship is exercised intensifies, as the legitimacy of bipartisanship (PP - PSOE) and parliamentary monarchy starts to break.


In this scenario, social movements arise. From clear petty-bourgeois positions, they promote slogans which are functional to a large-scale reform of the capitalist building: throw them all!, No parties nor trade unions!, they say. The demands of these groups are widely spread by the  communications monopolies and contribute strongly to generate in large segments of the popular sectors the fiction that another capitalism is possible, a democratic and participatory capitalism which could develop the so-called Welfare State, with the active complicity of opportunistic forces, which try to exploit the situation and advance electorally with the aim of replacing the PSOE and becoming the left wing of the system.


The possibility of a capitalism with a human face, a democratic, peaceful and absent class struggle capitalism has been refuted by the events. The historical boundaries of the capitalist social formation are evident today for millions of workers in our countries and we have the confirmation that imperialism is the highest and last stage of capitalism, a confirmation of the reaction trend in all areas and an increasing danger of a large-scale imperialist war.


The abovementioned factors determine the strategy of the Communist and Workers Parties. For the PCPE this strategy must point to the overthrow of monopoly capitalism, the triumph of workers' power and the construction of socialism - communism. The Communist and Workers Parties must intervene in the class struggle delimiting the field with the opportunist positions. That is the only way to be able to change the balance of forces within the labour movement. We have to define a class alliance policy that achieves to bring together the popular sectors suffering the hardships of the capitalist crisis, forging an alliance that aims at building a workers' and people's front which, under the leadership of the working class, advances towards the revolutionary crisis with the goal of the seizure of power.


The attacks against democratic rights and freedoms can not be analyzed outside the reactionary tendency of imperialism and the character of the time. The democratic struggle is meaningful only in the context of the overall struggle for socialism - communism, as today no democratic task depends on the ruling classes. The only class whose objective interests give birth to a democratic project is the proletariat. A democratic project for workers and the allied popular sectors that will be, at the same time, a dictatorship for the reactionary classes: the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat in the forms adopted in each case by the workers' and people's power.


The reaction unleashed by the ruling classes in no case can be used as a pretext to justify a tactic independent from the strategic objectives of workers' power and socialist construction. The democratic struggle can not be separated from the class struggle. The tactics is the flexible element in the action of the Communist and Workers' Parties, but such flexibility is justified only to the extent that caters to the changing conditions of the class struggle and serves most effectively to the strategic objective. At the same time the tactics become pathetic opportunism when, with one pretext or another, it is separated from the strategic objective and mutates to become an alibi for the underpinning of a capitalist dictatorship.


The tactics of the Communist and Workers Parties mean to be actively involved in the struggle against the attacks against democratic rights and freedoms, revealing to the masses that these reactionary measures are inherently linked to imperialism, that behind each cutting of rights lies the aim to keep the working class defenseless and unarmed against monopolies. The tactics of our parties should consider the need to confront the opportunist positions that defend the reactionary utopia of a participatory and democratic capitalism with social justice, as do the forces assigned to the Party of the European Left. The defeat of these positions within the labour and trade union  movement is a precondition without which the change in the correlation of forces to advance in a revolutionary sense becomes impossible.


In the present scenario the debate on the opportunity to participate in inter-class popular fronts arises again, especially in the current conditions when in a number of countries organizations with openly fascist approaches are gaining strength. As democratic struggles can not be divorced from the struggle for socialism - communism, fascist phenomenon can not be analyzed outside the imperialist social formation that gives him life. Today we can not oppose fascism to democracy if the latter is understood in the abstract and apart from its class content. Fascism is not a phenomenon isolated from the needs of the ruling classes to increase exploitation and face the difficulties in the process of capital accumulation, trying to resume the expanded reproduction. Therefore, the Communist Parties must insist on the lines of continuity between both forms of exercise of capitalist dictatorship, we must insist on the instrumental nature that fascism has to monopoly power. We must incorporate broad social sector to the struggle against reaction, but we can not allow the workers' and people's struggle to be fought under a foreign flag, following the lure of defending bourgeois democracy and therefore underpinning capitalist dictatorship.


Under current conditions, the characterization of the current imperialist alliances is also crucial,  in face of the multi-polarity discourse. We're seeing a realignment of the role played by each power in the imperialist pyramid, the contradictions between the different imperialist powers and alliances are increasing and, with them, the danger of a predatory war on a large scale. The tactics of the Communist and Workers' Parties should take into consideration these contradictions, but that does not justify the abandonment of the principles of proletarian internationalism that involves choosing one or another imperialist alliance or power. It is essential to properly characterize each imperialist alliance and analyze not only the contradictions with other alliances, but the contradictions that occur within itself as the result of the law of uneven development. In the case of Communist and Workers' Parties of Member States of the European Union it is a duty to fight the imperialist interstate alliance in the context of the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and for workers' power, for socialism and communism. In the same logic, we must resolutely fight against NATO and other military alliances, against the militarization of the economy and for the return of the troops that each of our countries sends to imperialist war.


Everything indicates that we should prepare for higher levels of confrontation, in which international solidarity, expressing our proletarian internationalist principles, must play an essential role. The 21st century will be the century of the victorious socialist revolutions, the century of the triumph of the working class against all forms of barbarism.



Executive Committee of the PCPE

The struggle against NATO is a part of the struggle for Socialism-Communism

Istanbul, February 2013

Hosted by Communist Party of Turkey

Dear Comrades,

firstly I would like to thank the Communist Party of Turkey's invitation to participate in this event against NATO.

The PCPE comes to this meeting with the conviction that the exchange of views and experiences will lead to a better coordination of the struggles of our parties in our countries against one of the main tools of the imperialist powers such as NATO.

We believe that the actions of NATO in the Middle East and North Africa are part of the strategy of imperialist domination of a territory of growing geostrategic importance. At the same time, these operations are inserted in a combined operation in which the forms of action are many and the actors vary depending on the situation, sometimes being France, Italy or other countries who lead the intervention based on their own imperialist interests, gathering behind a group of more or less heterogeneous countries.

This being so, it is clear then that the struggle against NATO (whose character of imperialist military alliance we believe that is not under discussion) can not be conceived independently of the struggle within the member countries, many of them being at the same time members of other structures such as the European Union (whose character of imperialist state alliance is not under discussion neither, we believe).

Mali is today a good example of this multifaceted nature of imperialist interventions. France being the main power interested in intervening in that African country, the intervention is explicitly supported by NATO, although that support does not involve an open deployment of NATO forces as such. However, several NATO member countries are cooperating with France in this intervention, using the excuse of "logistical support", such as Spain, Belgium, Germany, Canada and the U.S., among others.

Operations of this type are contained in the "New Strategic Concept" of NATO, which explicitly mentions the possibility of providing support for the so-called European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI), according to which the European allies will conduct missions by themselves, "according to the needs of the moment."

In the current case of Mali, as we saw recently in Libya or now in Syria, the position of the European Union is unanimous in defence of the imperialist interests of some of member powers. Also the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), notorious for its anti-communist proclamations, has adopted a resolution that supports the French intervention and which received the mere abstention of several representatives of the Parliamentary Group of the European United Left from Netherlands, Denmark and Israel, and even vote for from a Moldovan representative.

The problem is not only in the existence of NATO as one of the tools of imperialism, but lies in the very nature of the imperialist powers that compose it, who occupy one place or another in the imperialist pyramid depending on multiple factors and whose own geostrategic interests sometimes require coordinated international operations under the umbrella of NATO, but sometimes it is the umbrella of the EU and other times the operations are considered "domestic" and they are articulated through support from other countries to the actions initiated by one of those powers.

These imperialist alliances, of one kind or another, are not free from internal contradictions generated by the clash of the particular interests of the different powers, but such contradictions are attenuated in face of the element that unites these members, which is none other than  their class position against the proletariat, the people and socialism – communism.

Therefore, for PCPE there is no doubt that the struggle against NATO must be framed in a more general struggle against all forms of imperialist alliances, as they all, in different ways but coordinated, promote and defend the monopolistic interests in large areas of the planet.

On this basis, the PCPE considers that is is very irresponsible to suggest that the position against NATO, framed in the broader struggle against imperialism, can be summarized in the request for the "dissolution" of the same or by the plain "way out" of our countries from this structure.

From our point of view, the first position is based in two serious mistakes: first, thinking about the possibility of persuading all member countries of the need of prescindir* such a tool, which is at  odds with their own imperialist interests. Second, the very suggestion of the possibility of a revolutionary process that would end the bourgeois power given simultaneously in all member countries of NATO, so that all of them, already constructing socialism-communism, decide to dissolve a structure that would be unnecessary since the international relations would have changed. We belive that such approach is idealistic and, furthermore, would deny the role of the Leninist concept of the weak link, born from the realization of the operation of the law of uneven economic and political development typical of imperialism. For us, this position, in practice, unreasonably delays the anti-imperialist struggle to ideal conditions that will not happen in the revolutionary struggle.

Moreover, a simple "way out" of NATO, without being accompanied at the same time by the construction of socialism, blatantly ignores the fact that the imperialist character of a country is not determined by the political superstructure in which it is framed but by the economic basis marked by the production relations that exist within it. Thus, in the current phase of capitalism, every capitalist country is embedded in the imperialist pyramid and their interests are intended to achieve the best position in that pyramid. In the case of Spain the membership in NATO, in the same way that the membership in the European Union, improves its position in the imperialist pyramid, improving the promotion of the interests of its monopolies and therefore it is necessary to struggle against these monopolies and insert there the anti-NATO struggle, the struggle against all imperialist alliances.

Our country has been a NATO member for almost 31 years: it houses five NATO headquarters, it is part of the U.S. missile shield structure, it houses the combined air operations center for southern Europe, the Canary Islands are used as a platform for interventions in Africa, and Spain, in recent years, has been militarily active in countries such as Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, Namibia, Eritrea, Rwanda, Chad, Congo, Libya, Iraq, Lebanon and Haiti either under the umbrella of NATO, the EU or the UN.

The question is therefore: is it possible to struggle against NATO without simultaneously struggling against the other imperialist alliances, and especially against the very power of monopolies in our country that requires the presence of our countries in these structures? Is it possible today to raise the issue of the way out of NATO whitout raising at the same time the issue of the overthrow of bourgeois power and the construction of socialism-communism? We think it is not possible.

We think that the struggle against NATO goes through the same path as the struggle against other imperialist alliances like the European Union: unilateral disengagement from these partnerships in the process of building socialism-communism in our countries, because it is not possible to raise the issue of the way out of these structures without talking about a change at the level of political power.

In our 9th Congress we clearly affirm that structures such as NATO and the EU are not reformable. We affirm that it is not possible today to speak of abandoning them without a class solution, a socialist solution. Therefore we understand that the steps to be followed are:

-The sum of forces at the level of each country for the socialist transformation of the country, allowing a change in the correlation of forces and implementation of another economy that would serve the interests of working class and the popular strata and would settle social and economic relations between countries based on mutual benefit and not on plunder and aggression. This economy at the service of the people, accompanied by a process of social transformation, would mean the abandonment of all structures of imperialist domination and the establishment of various agreements with the rest of countries.

-The search for possible temporary, in some cases strategic, alliances with forces from NATO and  EU member countries to oppose the policies and aggressions of the EU and NATO and in defence of the struggling peoples worldwide to pressure the imperialist powers and articulate the World Anti-Imperialist Front where we will have to contest the hegemony of the reformist positions.

-The promotion of the tools of the worldwide anti-imperialist movement such as the World Peace Council.

If we do not give steps in this direction, if we fail to clarify and coordinate the positions of the communist movement against the inter-state alliances used by the imperialist powers against the people, then we will be missing the opportunity to raise, once and for all, the working class and people's alternative for a world without exploitation and without looting.

Thank you very much.


Beirut, Lebanon, 22-25 November 2012

Dear comrades,


We would like to salute the celebration of this of this 14th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties, most particularly thanking the Lebanese Communist Party for its organization. At the same time, we would like to convey a struggling  greeting to all peoples struggling against the imperialist aggressions unleashed in this region, especially to Palestinian and Syrian brothers.

The PCPE participates in this International Meeting with the firm will to deepen the  multilateral relations between the communist and workers' parties. All the capabilities of the PCPE will be devoted to the goal that the debates in these days result in concrete measures for the communist international coordination which will allow the strengthening of the struggles in all parts of the world against imperialist plans.

In the case of Spai, since the outbreak of the capitalist crisis we are witnessing a wild wave of attacks against the rights of the working class and popular sectors: to the various labour reforms aimed at lowering the price of the workforce we have to add the  delay on the retirement age, the open privatization of public services as health and education and a colossal destruction of productive forces that has led to a situation in which the number of unemployed people in Spain is around 6 million (25.02%).

Today in Spain there are almost two million households with all members unemployed and a part of them subsist thanks to a social assistance which is also threatened by the plans of the IMF, the European Commission and the European Central Bank, in coordination with the government. Hundreds of thousands of families in unemployment already lack any kind subsidy.

The measures to be taken at the time that the government of Mariano Rajoy asks for bailout to those institutions will be much more brutal and aggressive and will place the working class of our country in a position of great weakness. That's why struggles have increased in intensity and strength in the last period. Strikes, protests, demonstrations, multiply and, at the same time, the bourgeois state repression against the most struggling political or union organizations increases. The use of provocative elements in the demonstrations, arrests and brutal police charges are repeated more insistently and try to criminalize social protest and out to the masses of the mobilization. As  Lenin said, imperialism tends to the reaction in all fields, and now we are seeing how this is embodied in new legal measures directed specifically against the workers' parties and organizations who stand against the measures of the governments of the oligarchy.

Capitalist barbarism is becoming increasingly more visible and evident for large sections of the working people who see their neighbours lose their housing, the social benefits and their own life as the government responds with brutality against those who mobilize and fight. The PCPE openly states that this structural crisis is proving what the communists have always defended, which is nothing else but the fact that the only viable alternative for the social majority is the overthrow of bourgeois power, the seizure of power by the working class and the construction of socialism and communism.

In this sense, the objective conditions for the construction of socialism are ready in our country. The sharpening of the contradictions between the development of productive forces and production relations is extreme. But still the subjective conditions are not mature, the working class still needs to develop its consciousness, the Communist Party is still weak and bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideological principles still prevail in our class, advocated by reformist organizations that do not aspire to socialist construction, but to the mere management of capitalism in a more "human" or "social" way, as if that were possible.

Capitalism is showing its limits with this crisis and capitalists are not willing to make concessions to the working class. The alternative is therefore situated between them and us, between capitalists and workers, and there is no room anymore for middle positions of managing the capitalist system, nor for deceiving the working class in the name of supposed "progressive" governments which continue applying measures that favour large monopolies and condemn to misery the working people. Now is the time to strengthen the revolutionary struggle of our class, to openly say that the only solution involves building a socialist society, with a planned economy, with workers' control of production and the means of production, and only that way the needs of all members of society, and not just a few, can be satisfied. Capitalism, as long as it survives, will only  offer more exploitation and misery to the working class.

Our struggle should focus on raising the level of consciousness of the working masses, on strengthening class organization, its autonomy from the class enemy, and this requires us to speak to the class directly, without subterfuges or hiding our strategic goal. We should be tactical enough in the field of alliances to know at all times to the position that further strengthens the working class and situates it closer to the strategic objective, but without falling into a tacticism that confuses the masses, that places them closer to embrace the positions of class conciliation, of the social pact, and not socialism.

From our perspective, there are several lines which are essential for the strengthening of the struggles.

First, it is essential to strengthen the Communist Party as the political and ideological vanguard of the working class. The Communist Parties, guided by Marxism-Leninism and not subordinated to the positions of other social classes, ensure the victory of the working class.

Second, the dispute over the ideological hegemony within the labour movement against the conciliatory positions that alienate the class from the revolutionary struggle and pretend to convince the class that reforms can be taken from capitalists.

Third, it is necessary to quickly develop the highest degree of workers' unity starting from the work place, regaining as the center stage of mobilization and organization the place where the principal contradiction that exists under capitalism, the contradiction between capital and labour, manifests directly .

Fourth, it is necessary to seek the necessary alliances with other social sectors who are objectively interested in putting an end to the power of monopolies, such as smallholders facing the proletarianization or the peasants.

Fifth, we must redouble our struggle against all the structures created by imperialism to chain and oppress the people, as the European Union itself or NATO, from which we have to promote the unilateral disengagement of each of our countries, without naively waiting for them to decide their dissolution or to adopt and impossiblesocial orientation.

Finally, we must find a way to ensure serious and stable coordination  spaces between Communist and Workers' Parties. Only a closer union between the communist and workers parties will respond effectively to the attacks of the oligarchy, coordinated internationally, but for this it is absolutely necessary to abandon once and for all the  rhetoric and reluctance, to proceed to the international communist movement's ideological unification under Marxism-Leninism and banish from our midst all those positions that deny the socialist construction and only wish to get a share of power in the management of the interests of the oligarchy.

Comrades, we are well aware that these tasks are difficult and it is not enough just to express them, so we clearly state our absolute willingness to work on them from this moment with all those parties willing. We can not wait or delay further the development of our international coordination while the working class is the victim of the most brutal attacks in the last 30 years and capitalism is entering a new phase of more authoritarian and criminal violence.


Long live proletarian internationalism!

Thank you very much.



Athens, Greece, December 9-11 2011


Dear comrades:

The PCPE has always believed that the advancement of the coordination of the international revolutionary movement is an essential element of our own political project. That is why it is so important for us to take part in this 13th International Meeting. We consider that the title of this year's edition is very well chosen, for surely Socialism is the future, the only future that can ensure the dignity of the whole working class and popular sectors in the world.

We also believe it is critical that we achieve some agreements and concrete advances in this 13th Meeting, since the situation we face is really serious.

20 years have passed since the triumph of the counterrevolution in the USSR and the European socialist bloc and we are witnessing today that the capitalist system, which then was thought invincible is undergoing a brutal crisis as a result of its internal dynamics and its own laws of development. The general crisis of capitalism did not disappear with the disappearance of the socialist bloc, but has worsened and seriously threatens the very survival of humanity.

The parties here who come from the member countries of the European Union, we face a challenge of great importance: the illusion created for years in the working people of our countries, based on a capitalism with a human face hypocritally called "welfare state" is crumbling under the pressure exerted by the capitalists in order to try to keep the profit rate. This "welfare state" which based itself on the role of the social-democratic organizations to convince the working class that it was not necessary to seize power, which served as a brake on the revolutionary aspirations after the victory against Nazi-fascism, was never a negation of the capitalist model, never left the criteria for capitalist development and accumulation, never meant anything but a refined form of the dictatorship of capital. Today, when the capitalist crisis spurs the capitalists and makes them aware that the self-limitations agreed with the social-democrats are not useful to resume the cycle of extended reproduction of capital, they advance rapidly towards a more gritty and more violent model, which even questions the mechanism of formal bourgeois democracy.

The question we should ask is what is the task of the Communists in this situation? Are we to lead the fight to recover an obsolete model like the welfare state, without questioning the very foundations of capitalism and telling the working class and popular sectors that what we propose is a better management under capitalism? Or rather are we going to lead the fight for the overthrow of dying capitalism, telling the working class and popular sectors that they can not have a decent life under capitalism, since it is capitalism itself, as a system, what has caused the crisis and the impoverishment of large masses of workers and that it will continue to do while existing? That is, the question we ask is: do we want to manage the dictatorship of capital or do we want to exercise the dictatorship of the proletariat?

On the answer we give to this question depends our credibility as revolutionary organizations with the masses, not only in our countries but around the world. It is therefore not a subject that has to be discussed only in different regional frames of struggle, but it is a debate that affects the whole International Communist Movement as a whole, because the strategy of the communist and workers' parties must be coordinated, it must be consensual, but it mainly has to be revolutionary and can never lose sight of the historical task of the working class, which is none other than the construction of Socialism-Communism. Those of us who characterize the present time as the transition from capitalism to socialism, we do not have any doubts about which is our task.

This is the platform from which we should note and remember these important issues. The parties and organizations present here are communists, not anything else. As communist parties, we represent and organize a specific sector which is the majority of society, the working class, and we have to seek alliances with other social sectors, but we must never lose sight of our nature nor the class nature of society and the state. We must never lose sight of that reality, or attempt to camouflage it by resorting to old ideological positions that have damaged so much our movement and the international working class.

Comrades, our struggle is a political struggle, but it is also an ideological struggle. The situations of relative weakness that we suffer when capitalism attacks us in all areas can not make us doubt about the essential elements that make up the party of the revolution, and our goals as Communists.

Latin America, which for many years has been suffering from the looting and pillaging by the imperialist powers of the European Union and the U.S. is now in a situation quite different from Europe: the popular processes advance and the communist parties strengthen, but there is a strong ideological confusion induced by groups that do not want the working class to seize power, that the processes advance as much as possible to put an end to the main contradiction, which remains to be between capital and labour. From a humble position and supporting the processes of liberation in America, we ask the fraternal parties here present and the others who are absent to increase the ideological battle in order to not be captured by alien ideological views, to maintain their independent profile in these processes so that when the contradictions explode, the working class and its communist party in front can take the final step towards the seizure of power.

The imperialist system is the enemy of all peoples. The imperialist system is not only represented by the U.S., but also by other structures such as the EU, NATO, the World Bank or International Monetary Fund. Our struggle is not against imperialism in the abstract, but against its mechanisms and tools. The case of Libya, or the current events in Syria, are showing that some communist organizations consistently fail to analyze the nature and modus operandi of the imperialist powers. There are times when an intermediate position can not be adopted, since this intermediate position does not demonstrate the autonomy of the working class party, but on the contrary, shows the fear of openly contradicting the dominant ideological position, which is none other than the position of the ruling class. The war is part and parcel of the strategy of domination of world imperialism, the struggle against imperialist war requires the coordinated mass action of all the International Communist Movement.

Comrades, we have before us a historical opportunity to take advantage of the structural crisis of capitalism in order to show the working class and broad sectors of society the historical limits of capitalism. It is a task of great responsibility and great importance, which requires us to be as coordinated as possible, but also to be more ideologically united on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. The PCPE is willing to take the necessary steps to advance to that unity.

It is a priority to develop coordinated global or regional actions by the International Communist Movement, and the sooner we move in that direction the better. Coordinated actions against the imperialist war, for the abandoning of the EU, against the attacks on the working class by the bourgeoisie governments that approve one labour reform after another. All these actions have to be answered under the leadership of the Communists towards the socialist revolution.

Let us start creating the organizational structures which will enable this intervention in the immediate reality of the development of international class struggle.

Johannesburgh, South Africa, December 3-5 2010


Greetings comrades,

First of all I would like to apologize for my absence yesterday. As many of you know, I was not here because I was member of the delegation that we decided to send to the 25th anniversary festival of COSATU.

Once again it is a great event to be gathered the representatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties from dozens of countries from the five continents, this time thanks to the hospitality and work of the South African CP.

The focus of our debate is the one that can take us forward together to overcome our class enemy, the enemy of the working class and its allies, capitalism.

I do not want to dwell on the analysis of the systemic crisis of capitalism as all of you have been able to read the views of PCPE in this regard. It was published in number 1 of the new International Communist Review. Today our party is discussing, in our 9 the Congress, the strategy of the Spanish communists in face of the capitalist crisis.

Our Party agrees with the views of many other Communist parties in the world, ones published in the International Communist Review and others published in documents of the revolutionary organizations. (By the way, if any comrade wants one, I still have some ICR reviews of the Spanish edition made by PCPE).

Without a revolutionary process it will be impossible to end the exploitation of man by man, which is the motor center of capitalism.

In order to promote the revolutionary change, accepting the nuances that we have between us, we can only move forward if in every country the working class and its allies become the leading vanguard.

The workers' struggles developed since the last meeting of Communist Parties in India, are referred to the 13 general strikes in Greece, 7 in France, many other countries in Europe and other continents, the general strike of just one day Spain.

In all of them the working class has been called by the class trade unions to fight against capitalism. The World Federation of Trade Unions and its members have been able to demonstrate that only the working class can cope successfully with capitalist barbarity. The letter that we have all received here from George Mavrikos, Secretary General of the WFTU, gives more information than the one I can give here. The 16th Congress of the WFTU, to be held in April in Athens,, will for sure mean a step forward in the line of strenghtening the class tradeunionism. The PCPE supports the three requests made by the Secretary General of the WFTU in his letter to all those present here.

As stated in the title of the topic under discussion these days in Johannesburg, the working class must know how to be allied with other sectors of society in every state and territory. Historically, it has always been this way when the revolutionary processes have won.

In Spain we move forward in the alliance of anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly organizations. It is increasingly clear to the Spanish working class the role of social democracy and its allies (some call themselves the left, but are yielded to the decisions of big business).

Actually this happens in every country in the world. I only wish to refer to the shameful capitulation of the social agreement tradeunionism, supported by the European Parliament and the world bourgeoisie. Remember the Congress of the International Trade Union Confederation held in Canada last June. There the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization had a seat and could address to the delegates. (I have a document here, which I have already given to many of you, in which this attitude of of class collaboration practised by the ITUC is better explained).

The communists have to expose the false union leaders, those who, while claiming to defend the interests of employees, actually are accepting capitulations imposed by those who finance them. This is the case of CCOO and UGT in Spain. Thus in Spain the PCPE is working to recover class unionism by uniting all those who struggle against capitalism.

The great European and global battle against imperialism, has scored important successes, as were the demonstrations in Spain of millions of people who forced the Social Democratic government to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq. The same in other countries, also in Latin America defeating imperialist maneuvers, most recently in Ecuador last September. Or the closest major NATO action in Lisbon on 20 November.

The Communists must know how to lead the great revolutionary mass organizations and coordinate their activities and fight the enemy of humanity, against capitalism.

Comrades, the PCPE is always ready to help advance the alliances that will help end the exploitation of man by man. So in the coming months we will promote activities that lead to the weakening of the bourgeoisie in our country, unmasking the role of ally that is being played by the Social Democrats and their allies.

In particular we hope that the World Festival of the Youth and Students, which takes place within a few days here in South Africa, and the 16th Congress of the WFTU, to be held in Athens from 6 to 10 April next year, will make a new stage in the struggle to decisively defeat capitalism.

We also hope that meetings like the one we're will carry out agreements for joint action of the communists, following the experience already developed in Europe in relation to the EU (21 Communist Parties participated) and in other parts of the world.  Surely the International Communist Review, with the issues tha will be edited, will be a good tool for exchanging arguments between communists in order to strengthen our global ideological struggle.

Thank you for your attention.

Quim Boix


South Africa, 5 December 2010


New Delhi, India, November 20-22 2009



The current crisis of capitalism is a structural one, it increases the organic composition of capital in a more accelerated way and the law of the tendency to fall of the profit rate is developing steadfastly.

The privatization of the advaced technologies, a consequence of the scientific and technical developlment, has progressively reduced the participation of the labour force in the commodirties production and thus the possibility of generation and appropiation of surplus value by the capitalist.
The immediate consequence for the working class is that the capital is looking for a cheaper labour force, the relocation of companies, creating flows of working masses towards the capitalist centres. The working class is losing buying power, they are forced to increase the working hours, is suffering the abandoning of the states and the bourgeois organizations and institutions, unemployment rises to tragical numbers, placin the percentage in more than 20% in some countries so-called central countries, like Spain. At the same time, capitalism is using the fictitious protectionism, which in a biased discourse of social protection of the workers in the central countries, “we” before “them”, unleashes xenophobia against immigrant workers and, added to the institutional order, the immigrant population does not only bear xenophobia, but they are also victims of the directives and laws attacking the human being.

Capitalism is responding to the reduction of the profitability in the productive field directing the capital towards the improductive and speculative areas. In speculation, capitalism finds a higher profit in less time than in the productive field, also increasing corruption, intrinsic to capitalism, as it has been proved by the many cases appearing in the latest months in Spain.
Financial and speculative capital has played the leading role in the last decades in the process of capital accumulation. The financialization of the capitalist economy, highest representative of the parasitism in the imperialist stage, has been the basis of the financial speculation, reducing the accumulation through the commodities production to a percentage that is being reduced day after day in the world capitalist economy. Today, production and distribution of commodities is a minimum part of the capitalist economy.
The financial crisis is only a link in the chain, it can not be analysed as the only factor, forgetting the historical and social factor of a way of development of the human species.

In the frame of the capitalist crisis, the energy crisis is a part of the speculative processes, increasing the prices and becoming a burden for the economies of central capitalism, specially those who have a limited capacity of self supply.
The failure, at least at this moment, in the production of biofuel, increases the tendency of capital to appropiate the natural reserves placed in Latin America, Africa, Middle East and some parts of the post-Soviet Russia.

The logical need of capitalism to control the natural resources develops an international policy of militar interventions, leads to wars against Iraq and Afghanistan and aggresions against Latin American countries, who are threatened with war with the deployment of the 4th Fleet, the instalation of US bases in Colombia or the coup in Honduras, and the “non-mediatic” wars in the African continent.

The state of permanent war helps the arms development, forcing other countries to have an effective demand of the final product and passing the improductive cost of war to other nations.

In this picture, capitalism has no other possibility than making war an essential tool to sustain the process of capital accumulation.
In Europe, the Lisbon Treaty underpins the military aspect with the obligation of the member states of increasing the military expenditure and the acknowledgement of the preventive war.

The food crisis affects more than 1.000 million people who already suffer from extreme famine.
The destruction of the productive capacity by the capitalism of the central countries puts the harvests in a market out of control where production of food does not respond to the need of supply, but to the dictates of capital. Capital, in its speculative logics, makes the price of food swing, thus affecting the population who is economically weaker. It is possible today to solve the problem of famine in the world. The technologies of agricultural and farming production allow the production of food for the whole mankind.

The mass-media of capitalism accomplish their role perfectly, being the ideological apparatus of bourgeoisie. Their fragmenting analysis of reality satisfies the goal of dozing off the working class, preparing the acceptance of the consequences of a capitalist practice under the slogan of terror against any protest or activity of the oppressed class. The psicology of terror is enlightened so fear is the main constant element in the life of the peoples. They create and improve the repressive instruments that are coordinated at all possible level, and who complete the picture with the crimminalization of the revolutionary options, the elimination of the protests. In face of this, capitalism proposes us “political and social consensus” for overcoming the crisis, transmitting the idea that this is the only possible choice.

There is no place for intermediate solutions, there are no reforms that could eliminate capital, the socialization of capitalism is the proposal of political opportunism, the social unity so much defended from social-democratic positions is hiding the goal of saving the economic order of capital, even though the cost is to increase the social uneveness and exploitation. Socialism is the alternative for mankind, it is time to overcome stages of doubts about the arrival of socialism, we must advance in the organizational stage of struggle that has to promote the process as a real option.
The Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain proposes the ellaboration of the tactical stages of this period, which have to be concreted in a potent process of accumulation of forces:
-Advance and consolidation of the coordination fo the international communist movement, with a common programme. Creation of a working committee with the task of advancing in this field.

-Promoting the creation of the World Antiimperialist Front as an alliance of all the revolutionary and progressive forces, with a minimum programme.
While these general coordinations – communist and antiimperialist - advance and come to reality, let us promote unity of actions in some concrete issues in face of the attacks of the imperialist system, the actions could be regional or worldwide.
Some examples:

-Actions against the famines of 1.000 million people.
-Actions against war in Afghanistan.
-World Day in solidarity with Palestine and other peoples in struggle.
-World action against the destruction of Amazone.

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